Abstract

This research has been designed to investigate US foreign policy towards Pakistan.It has been summarized while analyzing the US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations before and after Trump being elected as President, the US’ shift in policy towards Pakistan might not be as drastic for the Pakistani as public statements of the Trump administration propose, because the prospect of treating Pakistan as an enemy is such a frightening one that most American policymakers would rather avoid it than confront it with real seriousness. In current circumstances, it is likely that the US will treat Pakistan as what is colloquially called a "frenemy". However, reductions in military assistance and downgrading of Pakistan’s status as a major non-NATO ally are still a possibility.

Key Words

Foreign Policy, Pak-US Relationship, Trump Administration, Policymakers,       Military Assistance, Frenemy

Introduction

Media has the prime significance in the ongoing age in building the social relations at national and worldwide dimensions. The greater part of the general population ends up mindful of various happenings around the globe, the social, standards, qualities, conventions and viewpoints of the others through media, so it is intriguing to reveal the official approaches of any national media regarding an occasion, issue, episode, and so on (Straubhara & Larose, 2001).  

Media specialists have done numerous researches to reveal the inclusion of various issues and different occasions by a country's media in the light of her foreign policy with respect to those issues. Media and foreign policy’s relationship are an exciting subject for the media specialists. Distinctive famous researchers have done their researches under this standard. Outcomes of various researches demonstrate that occasionally this relationship is certain or something else.

In this study, the US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations have been explored. It has revealed the US-Pak relations during 1st July 2016 to 30th June 2017. The study is consisted of two periods of six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President. In this regard the editorials of the US newspapers (The Washington Post and The New York Times) and Pakistan’s newspapers (daily Dawn and The News) are analysed, as all these newspapers are considered elite newspapers in their respective countries. For the attainment of editorials of the said papers, archives of different libraries and the websites of newspapers are used. The readers of these papers are those powerful individuals who influence policies and public opinions in political, economic and social issues. These individuals incorporate open authorities, researchers, journalists, scholars, legal counsellors, judges and business pioneers. They are better taught and have a more prominent enthusiasm for open undertakings than the normal readers (Merrill, 1968; Merril & Fisher 1980; Gul, 1998).




Statement of the Problem 

US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations have been subject of interest and research for social (especially political) scientists. A wide range of studies have been carried out highlighting different aspects of the cited phenomena (Sohrab, 2012; Qazi, 2012; Hathway, 2012). This study however focuses on the US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President.




Objectives of the Study 

The objective of the study is to investigate the US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations in the editorials of the US newspapers (The Washington Post and The New York Times) and Pakistan’s newspapers (daily Dawn and The News) in two chunks of six months, i.e., before and after Donald Trump being elected as President. 

Thus, following are the objectives;

To find the difference in the editorial treatment of the elite English press of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations pre- and post-Donald Trump being elected as President.  

1. To study the elite English newspapers of US whether supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President.

2. To investigate the elite English newspapers of US whether supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President.

3. To research the elite English newspapers of Pakistan whether supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President.

4. To enquiry the elite English newspapers of Pakistan whether supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President.




Rationale of the Study  

Although many studies have been led under aegis of foreign policy, yet their outcomes are diverse to the point that this wonder might be investigated in another setting. Moreover, the study done in the past identify with foreign policy of a nation and its association with the media on an issue. The present study is led to check the editorial treatment of US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations in a different way. For this situation the foreign policy of US will be analyzed six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President.  

Literature Review

The literatures about global issues and the news media hold a plenty of various speculations and attitude. Mughees (1993) cited in Larson (1984) that a few studies have separated the portrayals of unknown countries, especially those having competitions, as introduced in the media of selected nations; among these studies, some are worldwide and relative in degree; others have concentrated on one country's media, taking a look at the detailing of nations or of foreign news in general.

Even though the stakes today are unfathomably higher, the present emergency fits into an entrenched example. As far back as the US and Pakistan progressed toward becoming partners 72 years prior, their relationship has been remarkably unstable, a veritable ride on an exciting ride. It was on 14 May 1954 that the two nations signed a mutual defense security agreement making Pakistan part of the Eisenhower Administration's control belt around the Soviet Union and China. By turning into an individual from both the South-East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Baghdad Pact, in President Ayub Khan's words, his nation turned into America's 'Most Allied Ally in Asia' (Li, 2011).  

The partnership, however, had a basic detachment. While Pakistan was against socialist, India was its primary security concern. Even though the US and India were irritated, Washington never viewed as New Delhi a foe. The relationship thrived during the Eisenhower Presidency, however floundered over this detachment during the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations. At the point when the October-November 1962 Sino-Indian border war prompted US military aid to New Delhi, Islamabad was infuriated. On the contrary, Pakistan's thriving companionship with China and analysis of US association in Vietnam enraged Washington. In 1965, after Pakistan did battle with India over Kashmir, Johnson cut off both military and financial assistance. For every commonsense reason, the partnership was dead.  

After four years, Richard Nixon moved toward becoming President and the relationship restored. Pakistan's vice (its cozy relations with China) turned into its excellence. Islamabad assumed a key job in facilitating the US opening to China, seemingly Nixon's most critical foreign policy accomplishment. During the 1971 Bangladesh war, the US 'tilted' towards Pakistan, marking India the assailant. Great relations proceeded when Gerald Ford progressed toward becoming President after the Watergate embarrassment caused Nixon's abdication (Pak et al., 1996).  

As the new millennium started, Pakistanis stayed nasty over US sanctions. The Americans were steamed at Pakistan's help for Islamic terrorists working in Kashmir just as ISI's close ties with the untouchable Taliban system in Kabul. The Clinton Administration was additionally irritated that the Pakistan armed force, for the fourth time in the nation's short history, expelled a non-military personnel government in October 1999. Clinton's steely five-hour visit to Islamabad on 25 March 2000, going ahead the impact points of five fiercely effective days in India, captured the bilateral mood (Kasuri, 2015).

At that point came the sad occasions of 9/11. By and by, geology made Pakistan a crucial player for US activities in Afghanistan. President Pervez Musharraf immediately chose to adjust his nation to the Americans and to relinquish the Taliban. In the deal the two nations came to, Islamabad agreed to: renewed insight participation between the ISI and the CIA, limited US utilization of base offices in Pakistan, smooth travel crosswise over Pakistan for provisions bound for US powers in Afghanistan and over-flight rights for US military airplane.  

The Bush-Musharraf deal served the two nations. Having experienced the decade-long US help ban, Pakistan's military profited by the restored inflow of American arms. The economy wrecked after blunder by nonmilitary personnel governments during the 1990s, got a required jolt. The US profited by Islamabad's collaboration with activities in Afghanistan and its endeavors to find al-Qaeda components (Ahmad et al., 2017).  

However, numerous in Islamabad had blended emotions. Pakistanis profoundly disdained the 1965 and 1990 shorts of military and financial guide. They saw the Americans as flighty and faint-hearted allies who might likely again dump Pakistan when they never again required its assistance. The man in the street in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi, impacted by the genius Islamist theme in the media, took a significantly more depressing perspective. Alongside complaints about Washington's treatment of Pakistan, resistance to US military association in Afghanistan and Iraq and to American policy toward the Israel-Palestine question enlivened a generally held conviction that the US was on a very basic level enemy of Muslim and set on destabilizing Pakistan (Khalid, and Safdar 2016).  

After going into the White House, Obama endorsed an extra 21,000 troops for Afghanistan and had Bruce Riedel, a resigned CIA expert and veteran of the Clinton National Security Council (NSC), survey Afghanistan-Pakistan approach. The main proposal, Riedel advised the President was for him to concentrate on 'the genuine focal risk – Pakistan 'where al-Qaeda was based. 'These folks are not kidding', Riedel stated, 'They are shrewd, and they are tenacious. Until we execute them, they are going to attempt to slaughter us. The US objective ought to be to persuade Pakistan to put a higher need on the threats Islamic aggressors presented than those from India. He advised Obama that accomplishing this would not be simple and, surely, probably won't be conceivable (Sheik, 2014).

To guarantee more noteworthy hierarchical lucidness, Obama named the foreign policy heavyweight Richard Holbrooke as his Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Putting the veteran ambassador accountable for all nonmilitary issues mirrored Obama's conviction that approach and activities toward the two nations were inseparably connected. Holbrooke widened ties with Pakistan through an abnormal state 'key exchange' including 13 respective working gatherings (vitality, farming, exchange, training, and so on.) Holbrooke's startling demise in December 2010 remaining a noteworthy void even though his successor, the resigned negotiator Marc Grossman, was exceptionally respected and had served in Pakistan (Goodson, 2015).

In the container Laden kickback, US-Pakistani military relations weakened. Reacting to analysis inside the positions that he was too professional American, Kayani requested the withdrawal of the 100 US armed force coaches, declined visas for US military gear experts, halted joint counter-revolt tasks, and requested a conclusion to automaton assaults. Washington, thusly, has harder with the Pakistanis, holding up some US$800 million in military exchanges, including US$300 million to repay Pakistan for costs brought about in battling the aggressors. Pakistan's Defense Minister reacted by undermining that his nation may need to pull back troops from the Afghan outskirt. To put it plainly, relations have spiraled descending to their absolute bottom since 9/11 (Hoffman, 2015).




Application of Theories  

Agenda setting and framing theories have been helpful in explaining the relationship of US foreign policy towards Pakistan regarding US-Pak Relations. The concept helps to understand that how the elite newspapers of US and Pakistani press frame’s US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations in their editorials and what sort of the relationship exists between them as a specific case. According to Gitlin (1980) media frames are defined as “persistent patterns of cognition.

Methodology

A content analysis as a methodology was applied for the current study. The present study has focused on the editorial treatment of US and Pakistani press regarding US-Pak relations six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President.  Its purpose was to explore how media addressed US foreign policy towards Pakistan regarding US-Pak relations in different editorials of selected newspapers.




Research Questions  

The research questions examine how US and Pakistan’s media reacted to various developments six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President.  




Main Research Question 

Is there any difference in the editorial treatment of the elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-àvis US-Pak relations pre- and post-Donald Trump being elected as President?  




Sub Research Questions 

Question 1: Did the elite English newspapers of US support US foreign policy towards Pakistan 

vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President? 




Questions 2: Did the elite English newspapers of US support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President?  




Question 3: Did the elite English newspapers of Pakistan support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President?  




Question 4: Did the elite English newspapers of Pakistan support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President? 

Research Hypothesis

Main Hypothesis  

The elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan varies in the editorial treatment on US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President. 




Sub Hypothesis 

Hypothesis 1 

The elite English newspapers of US supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President. 




Hypothesis 2 

The elite English newspapers of US supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President. 




Hypothesis 3 

The elite English newspapers of Pakistan supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President.  




Hypothesis 4 

The elite English newspapers of Pakistan supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President.




Population of the Study 

The four newspapers: The Washington Post, The New York Times, Daily Dawn and The News is the population of the study. 




Sample Size 

All the editorials of US newspapers; The Washington Post and The New York Times on one side and on the other side; Pakistani newspapers Dawn and The News which were pertaining US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations, six months before and after Trump’s presidency have selected as the universe for study. 




Sampling Technique   

Purposive sampling method has used to draw a unit of analysis from the universe. The goal of the research is to access the nature of editorial treatment of US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations. So, it has been a tremendous amount of work to analyze each copy of US newspapers; The Washington Post and The New York Times on one side and on the other side; Pakistani newspapers Dawn and The News over a period of one year, i.e. July 2016 to June 2017.




Results and Discussion 

This part of the chapter is discussing the research questions and hypothesis. On the basis of findings, the research questions are answered. Similarly, the hypotheses which were evolved by the researcher is endorsed or rejected. 

Moreover, the major findings, answers of the research questions, and rejection/endorsement of hypotheses, qualitative discussion has been done to elaborate US foreign policy towards Pakistan in lieu of US-Pak relations.




Research Questions  

The research questions examine how US and Pakistan’s media reacted to various developments six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President.  




Main Research Question 

Is there any difference in the editorial treatment of the elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-àvis US-Pak relations pre- and post-Donald Trump being elected as President?  

• After analyzing the data, a minor difference is noted in the treatment of the elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan regarding US-Pak relations. Which has been showed in table # 1.   




Sub Research Questions 

Q1: Did the elite English newspapers of US support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President? 

• After analyzing the articles of elite English newspapers, the researcher has noticed that the elite English newspapers had supported their foreign policy regarding countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan and India before Trump being elected as President.  

Q2: Did the elite English newspapers of US support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President?  

• After analyzing the articles of elite English newspapers, the researcher has observed that the elite English newspapers had supported their foreign policy a little more regarding countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan and India before Trump being elected as President. 

Q3: Did the elite English newspapers of Pakistan support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President?  

• Going through the process of analysis the researcher has come out with the result that Pakistani newspapers have minorely supported US foreign policy towards Pakistan.   

Q4: Did the elite English newspapers of Pakistan support US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President? 

• After Trump being elected as the President of USA the researcher has analyzed that Pakistani newspapers have argued for the support US foreign policy towards Pakistan. 




Research Hypothesis 

Main Hypothesis  

The elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan varies in the editorial treatment on US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before and after Donald Trump being elected as President. 

• The editorial coverage regarding US-Pak relations got varied before and after Trump’s being elected as President in Pakistani newspapers and in USA less favorable.




Sub Hypothesis 

Hypothesis 1 

The elite English newspapers of US supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President. 

• After analyzing the articles of elite English newspapers, the researcher has observed that the elite English newspapers had supported their foreign policy a little more regarding countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan and India before Trump being elected as President. 




Hypothesis 2 

The elite English newspapers of US supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President. 

• After analyzing the data, a minor difference is noted in the treatment of the elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan regarding US-Pak relations. Which has been showed in above cited table. 




Hypothesis 3 

The elite English newspapers of Pakistan supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months before Donald Trump being elected as President.  

• After analyzing the articles of elite English newspapers, the researcher has observed that the elite English newspapers had supported their foreign policy a little more regarding countries like Pakistan, Afghanistan and India before Trump being elected as President.




Hypothesis 4 

The elite English newspapers of Pakistan supports US foreign policy towards Pakistan vis-à-vis US-Pak relations six months after Donald Trump being elected as President. 

• After analyzing the data, a minor difference is noted in the treatment of the elite English newspapers of US and Pakistan on US foreign policy towards Pakistan regarding US-Pak relations. Which has been showed in above cited table.

Qualitative Discussion

The empirical data gathered for the present study reveals that the editorial policies of both countries ‘press regarding US-Pak relations remained same as per the policies of governments of these respective countries before and after Trump being elected as President. Analyses of the contents reflect that as policies of the two countries changed, likewise their stances on US-Pak relations also changed. Consequently, the press of both the countries support their national policies before and after Trump’s being elected President. Hence study confirms positive relationship between US and Pakistan.

Conclusion

So far, there has been no proof to propose that blowback from terrorism because of Pakistan's sustaining of different Islamic psychological militants has undermined the fortunes of the Pakistani military as the most dominant gathering in legislative issues. After Trump's policy proclamation, the Pakistan can't be relied upon to surrender its loved key interests in cross border terrorism without a battle. It may once again propose some strategic collaboration to the US in countering terrorism in Afghanistan while vowing to carry the Taliban to the negotiating table. Their guide in the salvage of the Canadian couple is an early sign of this tried-and-true policy.  

The greatest obstruction to harmony in Afghanistan is Pakistan seeing its association with Kabul through the crystal of its enemies of India fixation. Of all the awful Pakistani approaches, the Afghan misfortune position is one of the most exceedingly terrible. Changing this dynamic requires reformulation of Pakistan's key culture, whose focal column is the military's stranglehold on Pakistan's remote and security strategies.  

For the US, an Afghan policy review is also a Pakistan policy review. Accordingly, managing Pakistan establishes the most crucial mainstay of Trump's South Asia/Afghan policy. The idea of Pakistan's Afghan approach has spoken to a huge hindrance headed straight toward a helpful feel among Washington and Islamabad. Since Trump's discourse, the top US authorities have kept up a weight on Pakistan. In any case, neither Tillerson nor Mattis has been approaching about the particulars of how Trump means to accomplish his pronounced goals. 

The restored arrangements among Washington and Islamabad bring up a few issues: What sort of benchmarks will the Trump organization spread out for the Pakistani military on dread havens and the harmony procedure in Afghanistan? What might be the prizes for Pakistan if it measures up completely or halfway to the benchmarks set by the US? What coercive measures should Washington take against Pakistan?  

Regardless of whether Trump's technique demonstrates a distinct advantage for South Asia or an impermanent deviation from the standard example of America's lethal fascination in Pakistan will depend a lot on the political will in Washington to pressurize Pakistan to quit facilitating fear asylums on its dirt.  

This report contends that the move in the US' Afghanistan methodology presents arrangement suggestions for India, including the accompanying: Pakistan may fall back on political posing to support residential spectators, yet it won't intentionally stand up to the US. As the US and Pakistan start genuine exchanges on the political fate of Afghanistan, India will be a piece of the discourse. Thusly, Indian policymakers must use Trump's ability to face Islamabad on psychological oppression.  

In an ongoing report, noted South Asian master Ashley Tellis has contended that standard requires a "nonstop India Pakistan discourse" are "confused" and "counterproductive" since the contrasts between New Delhi and Islamabad are fueled by "Pakistan's irredentism" and its military's for quite some time held approach of undermining India's ascent as an incredible power just as looking for retribution for past Pakistani annihilations. As indicated by him, the Pakistani military has "desires to be treated keeping pace with India, notwithstanding their gigantic contrasts in capabilities, accomplishments and prospects." Many in the Trump organization appear to share Tellis' perspectives. India must fortify its ties with senior US authorities and facilitate its arrangements to balance out Afghanistan.  

Under colossal American pressure, Pakistan will offer strategic coordination on counterterrorism battles, insight sharing, and preparing and limit working of the Afghan security powers. In early October, Pakistan’s army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, went to Kabul “to discuss matters of regional security and issues of 58common interest” with Afghan President Ashraf Ghani. India must remain vigilant on how Pakistan’s security establishment plays out its strategic moves in Afghanistan, since Pakistan’s emasculated civilian leadership is under a cloud and will merely be carrying out orders given by Rawalpindi.  

The Trump organization's enemy of dread talk versus Pakistan has likewise been abundantly refreshing in New Delhi. However, given Trump's propensity to change his position suddenly on significant arrangement issues and Washington's constrained choices for managing Pakistan, India ought not be excessively reliant on American approaches in Afghanistan.  

Finally, India ought to reassess its customary restriction to incorporating the Taliban into the Afghan power structure, since dispensing with the Taliban revolt by military methods alone does not appear to be conceivable. Some Taliban components must be quick to open a channel of correspondence with India; it would be predictable with India's Afghan advantages to make careful contacts with them without giving authenticity on the gathering. It is significant for India to comprehend the benefits of a more extensive political methodology in Afghanistan, which incorporates chats with the Taliban, without Pakistani obstruction. If the developing Pakistan–China–Russia troika prevails with regards to transforming the progressing exchanges into a last settlement with the Taliban with an eager America quickly embracing the arrangement to remove itself from Afghanistan without Indian concerns being tended to it will unquestionably influence India's interests.

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